Adolf Hitler Essays (1512 words) - Adolf Hitler, Hitler Family

Adolf Hitler Hitler, Adolf (1889-1945) Founder and leader of Nazi Party, Head of State and Commander of the Armed Forces, Adolf Hitler was born in Austria on April 20, 1889. Hitler was born to Austrian customs officials, Alois Schickelgruber Hitler, and his third wife, Klara Poelzl, both from Austria. Hitler was a resentful and discontent child who was moody, lazy, and having a short temper. As a young man Hitler was very hostile towards his father and strongly attached to his mother, whose death from cancer in December of 1908 really had a big impact on his life. After spending about four years in the Realschule in Linz, he dropped out at sixteen years of age with intentions on becoming a painter. In October of 1907 Hitler left home and headed to Vienna, where he was to lead the bohemian, vagabond existence until 1913. The Viennese Academy of Fine Arts rejected him and he spent five years of misery in Vienna as he later recalled. Hitler's views didn't change much within the years he still had a very strong hatred towards Jews and Marxists. In Vienna he received his first education in politics by studying the techniques of the popular Christian Mayor, and Karl Lueger, where he picked up stereotyped, obsessive anti-Semitism with it's brutal, violent sexual connotations and concern with the purity of blood. From Georg von Schoenerer, Lanz von Liebenfels, and the Austrian Pan German leader, Hitler learned to discern in the Eternal Jew, the symbol and cause of all chaos and corruption in politics, and the economy. In May 1913 Hitler left Vienna for Munich. When war broke out in August 1914, Hitler joined the Sixteenth Bavarian Infantry Regiment, serving as a dispatch runner. Hitler proved to be a courageous soldier, and received an Iron Cross for bravery, however he never got past Lance Corporal in ranking. He was injured a couple times, and then badly gassed four weeks before the end of the war. He spent three months recuperating in the hospital, temporarily blind. In July of 1921 Hitler then discovered a powerful talent and developed a party, which he gave the swastika as a symbol. His hoarse, awful voice, for all his humorless speeches dominated audiences. By November 1921 Hitler had to hire armed squads to keep his meeting organized. Out of these squads grew the storm troopers run by Captain Ernst Rohm and Hitler's bodyguard, the Schutzstaffel. By February 24, 1920 Hitler announced the exclusion of the Jews from the folk community, saying that the Aryan race was the supreme race. Hitler's first written words on political questions emphasized that what he called the anti-Semitism of reason leads to eliminating Jews privileges. It's ultimate goal to totally remove Jews. By November 1923 Hitler was convinced that Weimar Republic was almost ready to collapse and, himself along with General Ludendorff and other groups, try to overthrow the Bavarian government in Munich. He ran into a bar, shot his gun, and yelled to everyone that he was leading a new government. Hitler and Lundendorff then marched through Munich ahead of 3,000 men; police stopped them after leaving sixteen dead. Hitler was arrested and tried on February 26, 1924. He tried to turn the tables of coarse and was only sentenced to five years imprisonment in Landsberg fortress. Hitler was released after only nine months, in that time he wrote Mein Kampf. Known as the 'bible' of the Nazi Party, this terrible, crude book has sold over five million copies by 1939 and was put into eleven languages. In January 1925 the ban on the Nazi Party was removed and Hitler regained permission to speak in front of the public. Hitler reestablished himself in 1926 as the ultimate arbiter. The Nazi Party won only twelve seats in the 1928 elections, the onset of the great depression with devastating effects on the middle classes helped Hitler to win over the German society. In the 1930 elections the Nazi vote jumped dramatically from 810,000 to 6,409,000. (18.3% of total voters) In February of 1932 Hitler officially acquired German citizenship and decided to run for president. He lost by almost six million votes. Then on January 30, of 1933 he ran and was nominated as Reich Chancellor. Once he

Stem Cell Research Outline Essays

Stem Cell Research Outline Essays Stem Cell Research Outline Essay Stem Cell Research Outline Essay Playing God a. Human Cloning b. Helping humans live longer c. Can overpopulate society. Positive side of Stem Cell Research 1 . Cure/treat diseases a. Parkinson b. Alchemies c. Heart diseases d. Birth defects e. Spinal core Injuries f. Can play major roll in cancer g. Grow back small parts of body a. Primary source a. I. No longer baby embryos (futures) a. Ii. Adult Stem Cells a. Iii. Neural Stem Cells a. Iv. Cord Blood Stem Cells 3. Embryonic Stem Cells . Ability to become majority of tissue and organ cells b. Have a less chance of rejection c. Some argue it is better that fetus goes to better use Conclusion Just like any other agenda they both have their pros and cons, but it is our Job as a society to educate ourselves which of the two sides we stand on. Will we support the strive for new cures for heart disease, cancer, and various other diseases and be able to change lives. Or will we stand in and view the morality aspect and how baby futures, and lab grown futures to be able to obtain these stem cells. I leave it up for you to decide.

Understanding Inclusive Education Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Understanding Inclusive Education - Essay Example Hence, according to Ferguson, the biggest challenge of the time is to have learning opportunities available to every one and all the time, no matter where the learner resides and what kind of physical fitness he possesses. Thomazet (2009) discusses, in his research, the important of inclusive education. According to him, inclusive education means providing learning opportunities to students with special needs in ordinary institutes. He asserts that inclusive education tends to integrate such differentiating practices that â€Å"allow children and adolescents, whatever their difficulties or disabilities, to find in an ordinary school an educational response, appropriate in its aims and means, in ways that do not differentiate between them and the other pupils of the school† (2009: 563). Such practices make the school inclusive, and benefit the students in a myriad of ways. All special needs are catered to, as the school and the educators take the responsibility of including the student in every activity and learning process. Inclusiveness is the next step to integration, states Thomazet (2009). Forlin et al. (2009) conducted a research regarding demographic differences in changing pre?service teachers’ attitudes, sentiments and concerns about inclusive education. The researchers conducted their study on an international data set of 603 pre?service teachers to determine how their demographics changed their attitudes toward inclusive education, and found that inclusive classrooms have raised the need for teachers of regular schools to get prepared to teach diverse student population. The researchers emphasized the importance of teacher training, because they thought that teachers were the primary initiators of inclusive educators. According to them, it is... This paper approves that dyslexia is a learning disability, and teaching dyslexic children in mainstream schools involves specially designed teaching strategies. It is important to understand the problems of such children in classroom, in order to plan lessons accordingly. Such children with special needs require special support with their learning styles. This essay makes a conclusion that it must be said that children with special needs require the same level of attention, or perhaps even more, as their normal peers. They must be given the same level of educational services, and must be provided necessary modification in their instructional process, so that their learning may be enhanced. Including children with special needs or with learning/physical disabilities in learning and performing in classrooms can be a very challenging task for teachers. It is crucially important to encourage inclusive education, in which the classroom is converted into such a learning environment where students with special needs are encouraged to learn and develop self-confidence, without having to face ridicule. Holistic environment in classroom setting and learning style assessment are the most important inclusive practices that must be ensured in order to provide equal learning opportunities to students belonging to all age and capability categories. In short, this paper pondered upon the concept of inclusive education in great detail, and focused on the fact that inclusive education must be ensured in order to improve the level of education of a country. This paper can prove to be very helpful as a guide toward inclusive education for educators, students, and parents.

New York City Mayor Dinkins, Giuliani, and Bloomberg Essay

New York City Mayor Dinkins, Giuliani, and Bloomberg - Essay Example b. Rodulf Guiliani – Rudy Guliani ran under the slogan of effective policing and ending crimes to restore the quality of life in New York. This slogan won him the Mayoralty of New York in 1990 with a narrow margin over David Dinkins who was perceived to have poor control over the criminalities in New York. Rudy was known to have significantly reduced crime and cleaned New York of its rogue elements. He was famous for implementing his â€Å"Broken Window† approach that any disorder in the city, however small, should be dealt with firmly (Sapir, 2009). Guiliani’s â€Å"broken windows† posits that by being firm against small crimes, it sends a message that serious crime will surely not be tolerated also and such, reduction of crimes will follow (The Vancouver Province, 2008). During Guiliani’s term as a mayor, the drop of crime rates in New York exceeded all national figures. Frank Zimring in his book The Great Crime Decline concluded that the drop in crime rate in New York was a result of serious policing of Guiliani’s administration (2006). Guiliani’s term ended in 2001, the same year of the infamous September 11, 2001 attack on the World Trade Center. Being famous of how he handled the 9/11 crisis â€Å"he tried to overturn term limits so he could run again but was rebuffed† (Rudin, 2009). He instead endorsed Michael Bloomberg for the mayoralty race under the slogan of fighting crime as Guiliani reminding New Yorkers about â€Å"the fear of going out at night and walking the streets," and suggesting that if Bloomberg were to lose, "this city could very easily be taken back in a very different direction — it could very easily be taken back to the way it was with the wrong political leadership (Rudin, 2009)". Bloomberg won by a narrow margin. c. Michael Bloomberg – unlike Guiliani, Michael Bloomberg was able to run for a third term when he successfully passed a bill through the New York City Council in 2009 that removes term limits which in

How And Why Do NGOs Attempt to Scale up Their Development Efforts Essay

How And Why Do NGOs Attempt to Scale up Their Development Efforts - Essay Example This report stresses that twentieth century globalization gave NGO’s a whole new lease because many problems arose that could not be solved within a nation. International treaties and organizations such as World Trade Organization were considered biased towards capitalist interests. NGOs lay emphasis on humanitarian issues, developmental aid and sustainable development which helped in counterbalancing the capitalist trend. A prominent example of this is the World Social Forum, a rival convention to the World Economic Forum held annually in Davos, Switzerland. The fifth World Social Forum in Porto Alagre, Brazil, in January 2005 was attended by representatives from more than 1,000 NGOs. This article makes a conclusion that in the era of information technology, individuals and organizations serving community interests are challenged to incorporate new skills and strategies to scale-up their impact in response to social challenges. In an increasingly interconnected and information-intensive environment, strategically managing information and value systems is rapidly becoming as important as sound financial management to an organization's effectiveness and sustainability. A firm value system helps Visioning and valuation-facilitating the development of organization-wide commitment to enhanced communications and Communications planning to construct innovative and appropriate organizational strategies which aids in Fostering internal and external networking.

Genealogy, History, and Mythology in Olympian 9

Genealogy, History, and Mythology in Olympian 9 From Polis to Oikos At the end of Olympian 9, the ode for Epharmostos, the champion wrestler from Opountian Lokris, Pindar declares phya, his idiosyncratic rendering of physis  (altogether best: Ol. 9.100);[1] he says that the heralds proclamation ought to record that his victor was born (with quick hands, nimble legs, determination in his look), all the natural and inherited endowments necessary for athletic success (Ol. 9.108ff).[2] Despite his emphasis on Epharmostos birth (with divine help he was born), Pindar, unusually, names neither the father of the victor nor acknowledges any family whatsoever. In a genre as concerned with family and identity as epinikian, the omission is striking and potentially troublesome for the rhetoric of epinikian praise. Miller remarks that such an omission would almost certainly only occur at the instruction of the client himself, and thus we should conclude that Epharmostos did not regard family or fathers name as essential to his self-definition.[3] Pindars encomiu m still functions, but the absence of family disturbs many of the regular features of epinikian, especially the standard integration of phya and family.[4] Family, via the fathers name, was an element of the heralds proclamation or angelia and would have been announced after Epharmostos victory.[5] While Pindars epinikian evokes the angelia, it freely includes, excludes, or modifies elements of the proclamation.[6] The modification, or omission, of a component of the angelia therefore serves as an opening for my analysis of the ode: rather than focus on the question of why Pindar did not include the fathers name, this article explains how Pindaric praise, particularly the praise of inherited ability, still functions in an ode that omits a key component of epinikian poetics. Pindar, despite the ostensible absence of family in this ode, nonetheless praises phya through ethnos and polis and with a colonial narrative of early Lokrian and Opountian history. While the focus on the conjunction of the victor with ethnos and polis is certainly not without parallel, Ol. 9 is singular in its emphasis on the correlation of biography and history. The Archaic and early Classical assimilation of genealogy to ethnic and civic history joins such seemingly disparate concepts as inheritance, family lineage, and genealogy with ethnic descent and civic foundation. The polis, one component of the angelia, can replace family, another component, because of the conceiving of ethnic and civic identity as essentially genealogical. In her study of the economy of praise in epinikian, Kurke concludes that the family is crucial not only to the celebration of athletic success but to success itself (1991, 3; cf. Cole 1987, 560). She suggests that the family connection is important enough that we should recognize Pindars (and his victors) different concept of self-identity, which was integrated, to a great degree, with family.[7] In this conceiving of self-identity, personal athletic victory can be understood as a renewal of the family, especially through the metaphors of new birth, marriage, and rites for dead ancestors.[8] Thus, the exclusion of family from Epharmostos ode is unexpected: his victory, while it may have brought fame to his living relatives, is not represented as renewing or reviving the fame of his oikos, since the oikos is absent from the ode; his Olympic victory cannot participate in the common epinikian analogizing of athletic victory to family renewal, since there is no literal family in the poem . This omission is highly unusual in epinikian, which, as Carey points out, memorializes through naming.[9] In only a few odes does Pindar not mention family members: Ol. 1, Ol. 4, Ol. 9, Pyth. 3, Pyth. 12, and Isthm. 3. In a number of these, the paternal and familial absence may be able to be rationalized: the victor is either a ruler or politically or socially prominent and thus the ode focuses attention on them, or at any rate participates in a rather complex political context (Ol. 1 for Hieron; Pyth. 3 for Hieron);[10] in another two cases the fathers name appears in an earlier ode for the same victor, and thus perhaps familial self-identity had been fulfilled   (Hierons fathers name appears in another ode as well: Pyth. 1.79; Ol. 4 for Psaumis of Kamarina, whose father Akron is named at Ol. 5.8, and his sons at 5.23; Isthm. 3 for Melissos of Thebes, whose father is named at Isthm. 4.45). Pythian 12 and Olympian 9 stand out, since they lack any explicit reference to the father, clan, or family of the victor. Pyth. 12 praises the victory of Midas of Akragas in the aulos competition at the Pythian Games; significantly, it is the only extant ode to praise a victor in a musical contest. While Strauss-Clay suggests that the absence of Midas father and family is explained by his professional standing as an aulos player, Maria Pavlou offers a convincing and subtle explanation that situates the absence of family in the context of Akragrantine politics.[11] She suggests that Midas victory is an agalma for the city, since Akragas itself receives an extended encomium (Pyth. 12.1-5), and she argues that Midas victory ode was commissioned by the then-ascendant Emmenidae (perhaps Theron himself), in order to stress their power, and to relate them to a celebration of Akragantine culture. Thus Pythian 12 does not offer evidence that lower-status athletes (if, indeed, Midas was lower- status) would not celebrate their fathers, but rather indicates the potential utility of an epinikian victory to the political program of an aspiring tyrant.[12] Consequently, Ol. 9 is alone in its complete absence of a literal family or ancestry, or at least, it is the only ode in which an obvious explanation does not appear to be forthcoming through the political or social context of the poem, and the lack of fathers name cannot be explained because of any known personal political prominence or a powerful patron. Even if Epharmostos family had not had previous athletic success, family could still appear, since in other odes victory acts retroactively to glorify otherwise obscure ancestors (e.g., Nem. 6.17-29). Aside from Epharmostos, the ode mentions one other apparently historical individual, Lampromachos, whose presence has sparked much ancient and modern discussion.[13] He is introduced as a cause for the poets presence at the celebration of Olympian 9 (82-84): Because of guest friendship and achievement I have come to honor the Isthmian fillets of Lampromachos, when both won their victories in one day. The scholiasts are divided on the meaning of: 123a and 123c regard Lampromachos as a proxenos in the technical sense, while 123d and 123e consider to be equivalent to in this passage; finally, 125c considers Lampromachos a kinsman of Epharmostos.[14] Modern scholarship has been similarly divided.[15] While the institution of proxenia existed in the fifth-century, it is not certain that an institutionalized proxenia has any relevance to Pindars use of the term in Ol. 9.[16] In one of the only accounts to try to rationalize the appearance of proxenos here, Pavlou focuses on the early evidence for proxenia in Lokris specifically; she is skeptical that Pindar would use a technical term so loosely and she contends that by the fifth-century, proxenia was firmly entrenched as an institution.[17] Pavlou follows the opinion of one of the scholiasts and regards Lampromachos as the proxenos of the Thebans at Opous, and thus a relevant personage to Pindars presence and the commissioning of the o de.[18] The Pindaric usage of proxenia and related words, however, suggests that proxenia could also signify vaguer hospitality. Isthm. 4.8, for example, teams proxenia with the adverb which renders it unlikely that the word refers to a contemporary institution; it is probable that appropriate hospitality is simply another component of the praise of the Kleonymidai.[19] In fr. 94b, Pindar uses the plural dative à Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹describes a tradition of hospitality, which began in the past and extends to the present day (38-45), and once again, it is unlikely that the combination of a temporal adverb referring to the past and proxenia refers to the institution.[20] Nem. 7 has presented its own issues of interpretation, in terms of situating the passage in the larger organization of the poem, but proxenia, nonetheless, likely remains general rather than specific.[21] At Nem. 7.64-65, the reference to proxenia probab ly has little to do with the Achaian man, and rather, proxenia evokes the previous reference to xenia at Nem. 7.61 ( I am a guest-friend).[22] Again, an institutionalized meaning is highly unlikely. In other poetic uses from the early fifth-century, the term can refer to general hospitality: in Aeschylus Suppliant Women, proxenia refers to general protection by a powerful patron (or deity), rather than an institutionalized system of city-sponsored hosting (Aesch. Supp. 420, 491, 919). A fragment of Aeschylus Diktyouloi uses proxenia but then glosses it with the word à Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ºÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °Ãƒ Ã‚  champion (TrGF III: fr. 47a.768-770). Therefore, proxenia in Ol. 9, and throughout the Pindaric corpus, can occur as a metaphor for hospitality, guest-friend relations, and philia, rather than a reference to the civic institution; the term is not evidence for a civic commissioning or biographical speculation but rather reinforces the intimate connection of city and victor. Lampromachos opens the victory catalogue two other Isthmian wins are recorded separately in the following line (Ol. 9.86). The mention of Lampromachos is likely a flourish with which to open the catalogue, an instance in which Epharmostos and his countryman both won at a pan-Hellenic festival on the same day. Pindar begins with a special victory, and then proceeds to begin the catalogue-proper of Epharmostos, proceeding, as is normal, from victories in the Crown Games.[23] The victory with Lampromachos is given special prominence (it begins the catalogue) because of its significance to the city of Opous, a city poorly represented in victories at the Crown Games.[24] Considering the odes explicit focus on praise of Opous aswellasEpharmostos, the inclusion of its other stephanitic victor is hardly surprising. It may be strange, in this case, that Pindar does not mention Menalkes (Moretti no. 240), who won at boxing at the same Olympics as Epharmostos, though perhaps the inclusion of a nother Olympic victor would challenge the primacy of Epharmostos praise in the ode Lampromachos lesser Isthmian victory fulfills the function of praising the city without eclipsing the praise of the laudandus. The mythic section of the ode, in which hospitality and guest-friendship not institutionalized proxenia are conjoined, when foreigners are welcomed to the new city of Opous (Ol. 9.67-69), supports my interpretation of proxenia at Lampromachos appearance. In fact, the settlement of foreigners (explicitly xenoi: Ol. 9.67) and the arete of Opous himself (Ol. 9.65-66; and the polis at Ol. 9.16) as well as one of the descendants of the new settlers (Patroklos, Ol. 9.70-76), have already appeared together in the odes narrative. Thus, Pindar comes to Opous because of the same qualities that have already characterized the polis and ethnos in the mythic narrative he, like the xenoi in the myth, is attracted to the presence of the famous residents of the city, and its famous hospitality. Repetition and a cyclical perspective on Lokrian and Opountian history predominate in the structure of the ode, and so the rationale for Pindars visit seems to reinforce the identity of Epharmostos victory with the past history and mythology of his city and ethnos. Lampromachos is not included because of any political office, special relation, or involvement in the commissioning of the ode (all the suggestions of the scholiasts), but simply because of his status as an Opountian pan-Hellenic victor.[25] Regardless of the always vague, and impossible to prove historical circumstances surrounding the commissioning of the ode, the focus is on Opountian achievements in the victory catalogue, first in the single victory of Lampromachos, and then in the longer record of Epharmostos myriad victories this is not proof of a civic commissioning, but rather exemplary of Pindars method of integrating victor with community.[26] Ol. 9 exemplifies the Pindaric tendency to merge oikos and polis epinikian is a form of civic adornment by the wealthy after all. Merger, however, does not fully satisfy in the context of the ode, since the family in Ol. 9 is not simply combined with the polis; that, in athletics, is the normal state of affairs, because the angelia teams together individual, familial, and civic identities. [27] In Ol. 9, in contrast, Epharmostos family is absent, and the ethnos of Lokris and the polis of Opous replace the oikos of the victor. The presence of Lampromachos in the victory catalogue, in a place generally reserved for family achievements, as a result of his civic identity, indicates this replacement: the polis relegates family and positions itself as the family of the seemingly family-less Epharmostos, so that the history of Lokris and Opous becomes the biographyof Epharmostos, the citys putative ancestry replaces the victors actual genealogy. While homeland praise is a commonplace in Pindaric criticism, Kurke notes that the place of neither family praise nor homeland praise in epinikian has ever been questioned.[28] She stresses the public and communal nature of the reception of Pindars art, and comments that Pindar uses foundation myths because of their inherently political quality, since they transform an entire polis into a single family descended from a common mythic ancestor.[29] The public aspect of epinikian, and the function of homeland praise as part of the political performative of epinikian provokes this articles new interpretation of Olympian 9: the recognition of Opous and Lokris standing in as the oikos of this victor allows us to reimagine the connection between Epharmostos Olympic victories and the mythic narrative in the ode in the context of replacement family and substitute ancestry. This reimagining begins by situating the series of foundations and renewals in the performance of the song itself. The respective establishment of ethnos and polis are emphasized in the ode and function to praise Epharmostos by placing him in a continuity of inheritance (Pindaric phya), modulated through civic and ethnic lineage. Although he has no actual family worth mentioning in the ode, the song manufactures a lineage (and inheritance) of great deeds through the telling and re-telling of history and mythology. It is therefore in the two figures who complete great deeds, Deukalion and Opous (ethnic and civic founders, and themselves involved with unusual family), that we should look for the mythic parallels through which Pindar praises his patron, Epharmostos, and the polis, Opous.[30] Pindars narrative in Ol. 9 is one of the earliest, and most complete, Lokrian myths.[31] He begins from the flood, after which Deukalion and Pyrrha descend from Mount Parnassos to found a city and establish its autochthonous inhabitants (Ol. 9.43-46), the Leleges who become the ethnos of the Lokrians;[32] second, the lineage of kings is renewed through the adoption of a son, Opous, descended directly from Zeus (Ol. 9.57-66), through whom the civic identity of Opountians is established.[33] In both cases, foundations are not straightforward. Standard Greek origin stories revolved around autochthony or migration (Hall 2002: 31-35), but in Pindars narrative, colonial-style foundation is coupled with autochthony (Deukalion and Pyrrha) and hereditary inheritance is complicated by adoption (Opous) a productive merger for representing Epharmostos civic and ethnic genealogy. Thus, Pindar finds room in his Lokrian and Opountian creation myths to accommodate all manners of foundation and esta blishment, and in doing so, firmly establishes the Hellenic identity of Epharmostos Lokrian ancestors.[34] The section on Deukalion and Pyrrha opens after Pindars self-recrimination for the Herakles narrative. While the digression accords with Pindars formal use of Abbruchsformeln,[35] the specific rationale for the inclusion of Herakles here has generated debate, and some have compared Herakles stance against the gods (mortal versus immortal) with Epharmostos victory at Marathon, when he was, according to Pindar, incorrectly placed in the mens category (Ol. 9.89-90).[36] Though some audience members may have made this connection, I concur with Gerber, who regards the comparison as inappropriate, since it would claim some glory for doing combat with the gods (surely, un-Pindaric: see Ol. 9.35-41; cf. Ol. 1.35).[37] Rather, the Abbruchsformel, as often, allows Pindar to draw a connection through juxtaposition, where one is logically absent: here, Herakles descent from Zeus and its consequent effect on his abilities (for the general principle of inherited ability and divine grace: Ol. 9.28- 29; for the specific application to Epharmostos, see Ol. 9.100-104) is placed in close contact with the founding story of Opous and the Lokrians, in which Zeus will similarly play a major role and will bequeath abilities to Lokrian and Opountian progeny (Ol. 9.56-65).[38] By the end of the ode, the connection of divinity and ability is made clear in the latest generation, in the object of the odes praise, when Pindar observes that men do poorly à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ ÃŽÂ ´Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ² ÃŽÂ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¦ (Ol. 9.103). After this apparent interruption, with characteristic self-recrimination (though with the effect generated by the juxtaposition in place), Pindar directs himself to stay to the topic at hand, which is the city of Protogeneia (Ol. 9.41-56): à Ã¢â‚¬  Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ ÃŽÂ ´Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ² ÃŽÂ  Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½, à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ²Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± ΆÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¸Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ´Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ³ ÃŽÂ  Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± ΆÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µ ÃŽÂ  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¦ ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ²Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µ ÃŽÂ ´Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ à Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½, à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚  ÃŽÂ ´ ÃŽÂ µÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ´ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ 45ÃŽÂ ºÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ³Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã¢â‚¬ ¡ ÃŽÂ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¶ ÃŽÂ ´ à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½. à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã‚  à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½, ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ´ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ ´Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ² à Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ²ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½, à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± ÃŽÂ ´ à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½. ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ 50à Ã¢â‚¬ ¡ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± ÃŽÂ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ²ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ´ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡, à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ± ÃŽ-ÃŽÂ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¸Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¡ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °Ãƒ Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ËœÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿-ÃŽÂ ½. ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ´ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à Ã¢â‚¬ ¡ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ºÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ´ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã¢â‚¬ËœÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ à Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ 55à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â€š ¬Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¡Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ¶ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½, à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â€š ¬ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ´ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à Ã¢â‚¬  Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¦Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ¶ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¶ à Ã¢â‚¬  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÅ ¡Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ´Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ¶ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½, à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¡Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ ²ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã¢â‚¬  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ · à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦apply your speech to Protogeneias city, where, by decree of Zeus of the bright thunderbolt, Pyrrha and Deukalion came down from Parnassos and first established their home, and, without coupling, founded one folk, an offspring of stone: and they were called people. Awaken for them a clear-sounding path of words; praise wine that is old, but the blooms of hymns that are newer.   Indeed they tell that mighty waters had flooded over the dark earth, but, through Zeus contriving, an ebb tide suddenly drained the floodwater. From them came your ancestors of the bronze shields in the beginning, sons from the daughters of Iapetos race and from the mightiest sons of Kronos, being always a native line of kings, In this passage, Pindar briefly summarizes the end of the flood narrative, which left only Deukalion and Pyrrha alive atop of Mount Parnassos. In Pindars telling, the origin of the flood is left obscure, though Zeus will is the clear cause of its cessation.[39] The significance of 48-49 has been interpreted variously.[40] Despite some attempts to connect this comment to Simonides, the phrase must make sense in the context of its performance and patron, not to mention in re-performance scenarios.[41] The contrast is perhaps best understood in terms of praising the essential qualities of things: antiquity in wine is best (e.g., Od. 2.340), whereas novelty in songs, at least in the context of this ode (which opens, after all, with a contrast between old and new songs: Ol. 9.1), is best. Here I am not arguing for a universal motif in Pindar, but rather, that in thisodeinparticular, Pindar opens by stressing the novelty of his song (the Archilochus song), and thus, in this ode, newness in song is an important element;[42] Pindar buttresses this contention perhaps not so self-evident by the comparison with wine.[43] In fact, since essential qualities generally phya play a major part in the praise of the victor (Ol. 9.100ff), the extension of this opinion to the song that praises that victor makes thematic sense and further strengthens the encomium. If the following myth is unconventional, or stresses unconventional aspects by focusing on the Lokrian and Opountian origin of humanity after the flood, then the statement serves as a self-reference to the poets skill as well as being emphatic about one of the objects of the odes praise.[44] In fact, when Pindar turns to the story of Lokrian and Opountian foundation, he foregrounds the connections amongst ethnos, polis, and Epharmostos (and thus strengthens his case for a continuity of inheritance), by asking for a clear-sounding path of words for them (Ol. 9.47): surely here we read a reference to the whole race of the Lokrians through all the temporal stages of the ode, since for them follows the riddling reference to their name (Ol. 9.45-46). Thus, the whole of 48-49 serves as a transition and, via a short priamel, an explicit way to focus audience attention on the objects of the odes praise, before turning to implicit praise via the mythic narrative.[45] The foundation of Opous, the first human habitation following the destruction of the race, comes about ΆÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¸Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ´Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ³ (by decree of Zeus, Ol. 9.42). ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± is a complicated word in Pindar, though its basic meaning of share or portion often metaphorically denotes fate (s.v. ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± (A), Slater), and, in several instances, ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± is the fate that allows athletic victory to come to fruition: in Nem. 3.16, Aristokleidas strength in the pankration persists ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ (thanks to your [i.e., the Muses] favor); at Nem. 6.13, Alkimidas fortune at Nemea is expressly connected to Zeus favor (ΆÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ a fortune from Zeus); in Pyth. 10, it is ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ ÃŽÂ ±Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ (duly) that a living man sees his son crowned at the Pythian Games (10.25-26).[46] Ol. 9 points to the necessity of the favor of the gods (above all, Zeus) to athletic victory: à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ ÃŽÂ ´Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ² ÃŽÂ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ¦, à Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ / ÃŽÂ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚  à Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à Ã¢â‚¬ ¡Ãƒ Ã‚ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¿Ã¢â‚¬  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ (but when god takes no part, each deed is no worse / for being left in silence, 103-104) (also, Ol. 9.28-29); in fact, Zeus is one of the honorees of Epharmostos ode (Ol. 9.6).[47] The involvement of the nous of Zeus in Opountian history connects the distant foundation of ethnos, the legendary establishment of polis, and the present praise of Epharmostos, especially through a word that can be used to describe the role of fate in athletic victory. As Pindar describes it, these three instances are correlative, not through content, but through the aition for each, that is, divine will (and Zeus is particularly attuned to watching over Lokrian history, as this odes mythic narrative demonstrates); they are thematically contiguous despite the vast expanse of time.[48] Deukalion and Pyrrha are the founders of the Lokrian ethnos; their arrival at what will be Opous is characterized less as an arrival at a foreign land and rather as the arrival at their destined home Deukalion and Pyrrha are not alien (although simultaneously not native) to the land of Opous, and it is there that they establish their home (Ol. 9.44; cf. Str. 9.4.2). ÃŽÂ ºÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã†â€™ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ ³Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ suggestively combines foundation language (ÃŽÂ ºÃƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ° to found) with parentage (ÃŽÂ ³Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ offspring); it also evokes Pindars vocabulary for athletic inscriptions (cf. Ol. 7.86: à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÅ“ÃŽÂ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ±Ãƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹Ãƒ Ã†â€™Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ à Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ ÃŽÂ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¡ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ ¢Ãƒ Ã ¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ ÃŽÂ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ± / à Ã‹â€ Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ¾Ã‚ ¶Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬  ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ à ¡Ã‚ ¼Ã¢â‚¬ Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ ¡ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ³ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ while in Megara the record in stone / tells no other tale).[49] Deukalion and Pyrrha begin the replacement of oikos by ethnos and polis: their natural daughter, Protogeneia, evaporates into the city they found (Ol. 9. 41-42);[50] the ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ · (stone people) are treated as if their children; the original inhabitants of Opous, their fellow-citizens, are also their descendants. Pindar emphasizes the blurring of oikos and polis: he describes the descendants of the ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ · as from them came your ancestors of the bronze shieldsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Ol. 9.53-54). The antecedent of ÃŽÂ ºÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬ °ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ has provoked much discussion among commentators ancient and modern, though rather than stress a specific meaning, ambiguity, as often, renders Pindars verse more, not less understandable; ambiguity exists in the initial description of the city of Protogeneia and the parentage of the ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ ÃŽÂ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·.[51] As so often, Pindars verse resists an interpretive straightjacket: the ambiguous demonstrative suggestively begins the replacement of oikos by polis, which is, of course, salient to the encomium of the odes laudandus, Epharmostos. The understanding of à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã¢â‚¬ËœÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ (Ol. 9.54) has proceeded along similarly fraught lines, though again, sensitivity to the theme of replacement and identity of oikos, ethnos, and polis in the ode provides some clarity.[52] à ¡Ã‚ ½Ã¢â‚¬ËœÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¼Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ³Ãƒ Ã¢â‚¬Å¾ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ µÃƒ Ã‚ ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ can refer to both Epharmostos family and the Opountians generally because Epharmostos family, as represented in the ode, istheOpountians (thus, Epharmostos is like his mythological antecedent, Opous, whose true family are the inhabitants of his eponymous city). Pindars verse, through mythic narrative and purposeful ambiguity completes not a merger of oikos and ethnos and polis, but rather a replacement of one by the others: Deukalions natural daughter becomes an alternative name for a city that is populated by the fellow-citizens (or family) of the descendants of the ÃŽÂ »Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¸ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¹ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ½ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿ÃƒÅ½  ¹ ÃŽÂ »ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ±ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ ¿Ãƒ ¡Ã‚ ½Ã‚ ·. The appearance of the autochthonous original inhabitants of Opous, the race of stone, evokes colonial motifs, which muddles distinctions between native and foreign, and which stress the rele

Catcher In The Rye Essay -- essays research papers

Innocence, Compassion, and some ‘Crazy’ Cliff A novel, which has gained literary recognition worldwide, scrutiny to the point of censorship and has established a following among adolescents, The Catcher in the Rye is in its entirety a unique connotation of the preservation of innocence and the pursuit of compassion. With certain elegance the writer J.D. Salinger, substantiates the growth and perils, which lie between childhood and adulthood. Embellishing the differentiation between innocence and squalor in the grasps of society. The bridge that lies between these contrasting themes are personified through the novel’s protagonist, Holden Caul-field and his visualization of a cliff, which depicts a dividing point between the evident beginning and end. The connection, which binds this gap in reality, was made clear through a new found compassion, consummating Holden’s place in society through the realization of his surroundings from which he successfully cross es over. Focusing on the rebellious and confused actuality of adolescents stuck between the innocence of childhood and the corruptness of the adult world, this novel strikes a cord, which most adolescents can relate. The essence of the story The Catcher in the Rye follows the forty-eight hour escapade of sixteen-year-old Holden Caulfield, told through first person narration. After his expulsion from Pency, a fashionable prep school, the lat-est in a long line of expulsions, Holden has a few confrontations with his fellow students and leaves shortly after to return to his hometown, New York City. In the heart of New York City, Holden spends the following two days hiding out to rest before confronting his parents with the news. During his adventures in the city he tries to renew some old acquaintances, find his significance in the adult world, and come to grips with the head-aches he has been having lately. Eventually, Holden sneaks home to visit his sister Phoebe, because alone on th e streets he feels as if he has no where else to turn. Children are the only people with whom Holden can communicate with throughout the novel, not because they can help him with his growing pains but because they remind him of a simpler time (his inno-cence), which he wishes he could return. The trials of the adult world wear down Holden’s vision of a place in society, portraying innocence as a form of retreat from a confusin... ..., Salin-ger began publishing again and featured his stories in the Saturday Evening Post and Collier’s. By 1951, Salinger has established his reputation exclusively in The New Yorker and the popularity of his work was emerging among college students. And so, he re-leased The Catcher in the Rye, after working on and off on it for ten years. Although it was not an immediate hit it did give Salinger an increasing critical praise and respect. Eventually, as critical acclaim grew, the letters, autograph seekers, and interview-ers began hunting him down and so he became annoyed and moved to Cornish, New Hampshire, where he has lived ever since. While secluding himself from the rest of the world Salinger began work on Nine Stories, which includes a number of published short stories and introduces the Glass family, the central figures of his later works. Nine Sto-ries was published in 1953, after which Salinger published four lengthy short stories about the problems of the extreme ly bright and overly sensitive children of the Glass family. The books in this short story collection include Franny and Zooey (1961), and Raise High the Roof Beam, Carpenters and Seymour: An Introduction (1963).